The assumed sharing of total labor income, through wage equality and inequality, has been repressed, since the 1970s and up to the present. This assumption (in the sense that we speak, for example, of the assumption of a risk) is no less fundamental both in terms of commutative justice and economic efficiency.
Reducing so-called pay-as-you-go pensions (as if to hide the fact that in reality they are transferredTransfert_Economique) to a single points-based system will contribute very substantially to greater economic equity and individual freedom.
Excessive nationalisation, a scourge inevitably infected by chronic public deficits, has economic subsidiarities as its antidotes. It is not inevitable that the economic security systems themselves are reduced to a mere scoundrel, just as putting an end to structural "social" deficits can only be achieved through monopolies or oligopolies exploited by listed groups.
The fourteen prescribed economic policies set out and argued below are relatively quick to review. But how can we accurately characterize their whole? We only let ourselves be thrown out of smoke and mirrors for the time, it is true that it is sometimes long, to start deploring it bitterly or even desperately...
Public opinion will follow as more and more economists teach that full trade, i.e., complete economic trade, not only exists conceptually, but is highly favorable to full employment and, on top of that, has other social virtues. However, until this conversion, which may only begin very slowly, a verdict must be presented to public opinion. It concerns a characteristic that sums up the political project of the full-trade economy.
The economy of direct financing will only prevail when it is fully traded. Conversely, the economy of full trade will only become the norm by granting savers a complete economic vote, a right that the ideology and techniques of modern finance have too largely confiscated. On the one hand, enterprises organized into enterprises of all kinds and sizes, whose "equity" (more precisely, permanent financing) comes entirely or mainly from capital (and not from quasi-capital mean that subscribing or not to their increase, proposed at the same time as the payment of dividends Dividende, is the expression of economic suffrage. On the other hand, public debt financed exclusively by savings accounts, the outstanding amount of which is intended only for this purpose, also gives society the economic power to change the relative shares of investments as it sees fit, depending on whether they are public or private. On the last point as on the previous one, the political class is, so to speak, the boss, and it will remain so, being all the less inclined to promote direct funding because public opinion does not aspire to it, for lack of professors and publicists who argue that this is one of its major interests.